Book introduction
Excerpts – The impugning of dowry as the causal force behind gendered crimes has it roots in the collusion of the imperial state and Punjabi men who reconfigured patriarchal values and manly ideals ever more strongly in the 19th century Punjab. There was in the colonial period a profound loss of women’s economic power and social worth. This was a direct consequence of the radical creation of property rights in land.
In precolonail India, dowry was not a problem but
a support for women: a mark of their social status and a safety net.
I demonstrate that dowry & associate wedding expenses neither
caused the impoverishment of the Punjab peasant, nor were they the
cause of the increase in violence against women. Rather, imperial
policies created a more masculine economy and deepened the preference
for sons that fostered the overt or hidden murder of girls.
Investigating the Crime – In Delhi I was directed to Saheli, a women’s resource center. Information gathered from various sources did not explain why dowry had become such a scourge. The system of dowry had become corrupted no doubt but there little to explain why and how. The colonial finger pointed at Hindu culture, whereas present day Indian activists and media blamed westernization, which increased materialism and commercialized human relationships. Was the reason for dowry the former or latter? In Europe, where dowries have all but disappeared, violence against women is still rampant. Modern industrial capitalism eroded the culture of dowry in the West, but did economic distortions peculiar to the colonial setting change it for the worse in India?
In order to know I began to skim
through the annual compilations of administrative reports in Punjab
to see if perhaps a hundred years ago the custom of dowry had better
press. It was there as a cause of the murder of females infanticide.
The British had uncovered female infanticide in 1851 in Punjab, they
believed, it was directly related to the expense of wedding
celebration and dowry payments. Dowries, they reported had
impoverished Punjabi peasant families, forced them into debt and made
parents kill their daughters before they were born.
There was lots of colonial
documentation of female infanticide among high-caste Punjabi Hindus
but statistics on sex ratios in the subcontinent pointed to a
startling contradiction. Several families from Hindu lower caste and
Sikhs who received bride price and Muslims, who did not follow the
practice of dowry, were all found guilty of committing female
infanticide. So I began to investigate the beginning of British rule
in Punjab and the trail led to the transformation of rights in
property, particularly land.
Historically desire to have son was also fuelled
by the need of living in a war torn region i.e. undivided Punjab but
this need for boys got intensified during the colonial period. To
suppress the murder of female infants, the colonial government passed
a law in 1870, and a few years later tried to restrict the value of
dowries and curb wedding expenses by assembling all the important
upper-caste Hindu chiefs from the 40-odd districts of Punjab to have
them pledge an end to their thrifty ways. Yet the female sex ratios
continued to decline meaning there was no causal relationship between
dowries & female infanticide.
Presenting the Case – Chapter one begins with an attempt to define dowry. British stressed its cultural roots in Hinduism but a rigorous historical treatment of dowry’s relationship to the violence against women had not been attempted before. The relationship between marriage, gender and property needed to be explored historically. Did imperial policies often create or aggravate the very problems they sought to remove? For e.g. were chronic indebtedness and increasing drunkenness, thus domestic violence in the Punjabi countryside the result of political economy of new regime rather than Hindu or Muslim cultural dictates? And what influence did the colonial enterprise of codifying custom into textual law and its implementation in the new courts of Punjab have on rights of women and the notions of dowry and stridhan (women’s wealth).
The south seems to be less prone to
the pathological strain of the north. In the south parallel
cross cousin marriages among many communities means that women remain
in close proximity with their natal families unlike the north where
bride of every caste has to leave her home to live in the household
of her husband. Dowry is also a safety net for women who marry
outside their natal villages where their rights in the natal house
lapse when they leave for their marital homes.
Editor - another reason could be
that the north was under continuous attack by invaders. When the
local population lost the first symbol of conquest was the rape of
local women. Seeing their daughters being treated in such a manner
parents might have preferred to avoid having daughters at all.
Female Infanticide (MUST READ) – a new historical understanding of the issue emerges when it is seen that that as the East India Company discovered female infanticide they used their knowledge to further their own political ends by attributing purely cultural reasons for the crime, which in fact, had social and economic causes exacerbated by their own policies.
Starting as a trading company moving
on to the annexation of Bengal, Punjab and Oudh by 1856, the East
India Company faced public outrage in Britain. The development of
explanations that described and blamed indigenous culture for some of
its own miscalculations was used to appease its detractors at home.
This strategy is better known as her “civilizing mission” with Hindu culture as its prime target.
The crime was noted and condemned selectively. For
e.g. in 1851, the Sikh Bedis were found guilty of female infanticide.
This discovery became political capital for the British who justify
two unsanctioned bloody wars with the Sikhs that led to the
annexation of their fertile land.
In the same year, the British overlooked female infanticide amongst the Jats for two reasons. One, they were favorite recruits of the British Indian army because of their strong physiques and martial qualities. Two, Jats received bride price for their daughter’s from boy’s family because their daughters worked in the fields unlike Khatri or Brahmin daughters.
British economic policy resulted
in impoverishment of the farmer, mortality rates from famines
grew the Crown seeked to blame the wasteful expenditure during
marriages as one of the reasons for the state of the Indian
peasantry, refer chapter 4. Further cost of marriage went up after
1853 app. The British reduction or outright abolition of the
customary subsidies given to the village heads by Muslim, Hindu and
Sikh rulers for the maintenance of village guest house, oil lamp,
upkeep of shrines and payment to musicians made hospitality during
weddings more costly. Inflation that accompanied the steady rise in
the price of land stood on their heads, the old equations of movable
property for the daughters as against immovable property based on
virilocality for the sons. And the increased circulation of cash and
an ever-increasing range of consumer goods, chiefly British imports,
generated a clamor for these items to be included in dowry.
Creating Property Titles – Transformation of the basic relationship between peasants and their land and the simultaneous codification of customary law caused much of the famous indebtedness of the Punjabi farmer. These two events which were in place by the 1860’s became central in altering the texture of women’s lives, their implicit rights & entitlements in their families. The new notion of peasant proprietorship produced new perceptions of gendered rights in land and these were recorded as customary.
By clearing forests and building
canals, communications and railway lines in this fertile-grain
producing region, the colonial authorities linked it to a thriving
international market. The British extracted wealth from the
countryside in the form of heavy taxation & exports of wheat to
Europe, but did not share wealth with the local people. A million and
a half Punjabis perished in the famine of 1876-77. The new political
economy with its ambivalent and hobbled capitalism created a deeper
imbalance in power relations in the household. The evidence of this
is carefully evaluated in chapter 5.
It is important to know the rights to property in pre-colonial and colonial times. The profound change is a key element in my analysis of Punjabi’s women’s relationships to land. I have explored the brunt of the new colonial revenue policies & command economy on the dynamics of power within peasant families. With the creation of male individual
property rights in land, the British decided to create the individual
peasant owner as the centerpiece of their modern revenue policy.
What was to be called ryotwari settlement involved giving property
titles to the land directly to the peasants (ryots) who tilled it.
The policy might have worked well had not the British sticked to two of its components: fixed amounts and inelastic dates for the payment of land revenue, giving little room for contingency. These new circumstances changed the relationship between the borrower and the lender. In precolonial times moneylenders advanced small loans, the object was never to let a debt be paid off entirely, in order to keep the debtor as client. But now the moneylender with an appetite for appropriating their debtor’s land – emerged as the scourge of the countryside as we see in Hindi films. The critical difference was that land became a
commodity that could be auctioned to recover arrears of revenue.
The peasant was forced to borrow in a bad year chiefly to pay his
taxes in time, the moneylender was more eager to lend as the quantum
of lending went up since land was offered as security, more lending
meant more interest with security of land. Chronic peasant
indebtedness became the other side of the story.
Ironically, the price of land went up in the same period, as monetization of the economy proceeded apace with the buildings of canals, roads, railways and market facilities. The moneylender and merchant gained the peasant lost. As a result of this indebtedness there was pressure to deploy women’s resources to rescue a family’s holdings within the first score years of ryotwari settlement, when app 40% of the traditional peasantry lost their lands.
Putting landed property entirely in male hands and holding the males responsible for payment for revenue made the Indian male as the dominant legal subject. This had a disastrous effect on the lives of Indian women. When martial conflicts happened, the women were left with no legal entitlement to the land of their husband or father-in-law. Meanwhile, her dowry might have been spent on the husband’s family holdings.
The masculinization of the
economy made male children even more desirable. In
addition, the effects of recruiting the British Indian army heavily
from the ranks of the Punjabi peasants particularly the land-tilling
Jats, generated a demand for strong young men who would be employed
with a cash wage, award of land and eventually pensions.
So we can see that dowry in its
menacing form was not part of Hindu or Sikh culture but a responsive
& dynamic situation that adapted to changes in the new economic
climate.
Editor - the Punjabi Sikhs &
Muslims supported the British in the Mutiny of 1857. So the British
repaid their loyalty by hiring a large number of them in the Indian
army.
Preference for Sons – Sons
were the key to survival & prosperity in the relentlessly
agrarian Punjab under the British. Acquiring land during auctions or
sales, findings jobs in lower rungs of bureaucracy or the army, or
finding a niche as a retailer in the expanding market were the new
plums to fight over. The newly enhanced worth of sons came to be
reflected in the confidence of some families demanding a
consideration for a marriage alliance, cash jewellery or expensive
consumer durables. Friends the number of well earning boys were few,
girls were more so naturally value of boys went up.
Thus the girl’s parents knew that a good dowry was now the net to secure the catch. Slowly the idea that a groom’s family could make demands slowly infiltrated other traditional gift-giving occasions reserved by parents. This trend which started in the colonial period steadily worsened causing occasional violence. Such perverse transactions are unfairly perceived as dowry problems.
Preference for sons in Punjab was
related to it being a war zone and a popular recruiting ground for
soldiers.
Summary of book contents
chapter-wise.
Interview, Preface - gives you a
summary of the author's views and events that inspired her to work on
the book.
1. Investigating the crime, British
strategy behind female infanticide, creating property titles,
masculinization of the economy.
2. Contexts - Manu on women’s right to property.
3. Female Infanticide - Why did the
British blame dowry/caste for female infanticide and some interesting
notes e.g. how British created Muslim / Jat vs Khatri rivalry.
4. Tangled Tale - Did dowry exist
around 1850, British & Indian views, changes in social structure
/ environment & their impact.
5. Masculine World - Making land a
marketable commodity, codification of customs as judicial law,
introduction of private property, pre-colonial & colonial
systems, causes for peasant impoverishment, how did dowry system come
into being, impact of Punjab Land Alienation Act, 1900.
6. Local customs - Impact of allowing only Men to own land, Punjabis are the only martial race – reasons for creating this myth, benefits of joining army, how Khatris were discriminated against, why first son made a Sikh in Punjab, faulty liquor policy & its impact on women and Conclusion.
Read Veenaji's 2003 interview in Rediff.com
To buy book click here
Editor - To know why certain Punjabis were
declared as martial race read excerpts from Dr B R Ambedkar's book,
'Thoughts on Pakistan'.
Please go to link and read from Question of Armed Forces onwards.
The British move
increased the demand for sons in Punjab.